Could Lawsuits Threaten Vaccine Makers’ Livelihood?
Does federal law shield the makers of vaccines from product-liability lawsuits? Last week, the US Supreme Court began considering this question, which is the heart of a lawsuit against Wyeth, now a part of Pfizer (New York).
After receiving a diphtheria–pertussis–tetanus (DPT) vaccine, Hannah Bruesewitz began having seizures and later experienced developmental problems. Blaming the vaccine, the girl’s parents turned to the “vaccine court” established by Congress. The court denied them compensation because the alleged injuries had been removed from a list of those that qualified. The Bruesewitzs subsequently filed a product-liability suit against Wyeth, which had acquired the vaccine’s manufacturer. Lower courts ruled that the Vaccine Act of 1986, which established the vaccine court, barred such claims.
Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg finds the law’s language confusing, according to a report by UPI. It says that “No vaccine manufacturer shall be liable in a civil action for damages arising from a vaccine-related injury or death associated with the administration of a vaccine after Oct. 1, 1988, if the injury or death resulted from side effects that were unavoidable even though the vaccine was properly prepared and was accompanied by proper directions and warnings.” Congress “could have said simply that no vaccine manufacturer may be held civilly liable if the vaccine is properly prepared and accompanied by proper directions and adequate warnings,” Ginsburg said last week. Despite being asked to amend its statement, Congress did not. The Court could conceivably interpret the wording about unavoidable side effects as leaving the door open to product-liability suits.
Drugmakers might fear that such an interpretation would lead to a flood of lawsuits that could drive vaccine manufacturers out of business. The Vaccine Act was passed to prevent such an occurrence and maintain the country’s vaccine supply. In the 1980s, before the Act, many patients filed claims against makers of the DPT vaccine. Courts required some manufacturers to pay claimants large awards, and many companies ceased production. Through the Vaccine Act, Congress established the vaccine court, which pays compensation from a fund generated by an excise tax on vaccines.
If we do not maintain our supply of vaccines at an adequate level, public health naturally will suffer. Yet I am sympathetic to the idea that consumers should have recourse, and that drugmakers should bear responsibility, if a vaccine can be shown to cause avoidable and harmful side effects. Funding claims with an excise tax on vaccines protects drugmakers from potentially ruinous settlements, but the tax’s practical effect is that patients pay for damages when drugmakers are responsible.
The Supreme Court’s verdict could affect our health, as well as drugmakers’ costs. Patients and industry alike should follow this case closely.
The right to sue a corporation for damages from a product should not be granted to all others except for drug companies? Why are they protected by the government when the Toyota corporation was not? Are not all manufacturers of consumer products legally liable for their very imperfect products especially those injected into children? If only one child is damaged, the drug company is responsible for compensating these families for the high costs of a life time of care. Why protect corporate profits at the risk of human health of children? Yes. Let’s watch the SCOTUS overturn states rights to sue for damages.
Sara Smithers essentially asks: “Why are [vaccine makers] protected by the government” from speculative lawsuits when other “manufacturers of consumer products” are not?
The answer should be obvious. First, childhood vaccines hardly qualify as “consumer products.” And second, if government doesn’t protect vaccine makers from potentially bankrupting lawsuits, driven as they are by opportunistic personal injury lawyers who manipulate their emotionally distraught clients and well-intentioned juries, such lawsuits and the resulting verdicts could quickly convince vaccine makers to quit that product line altogether.
If that were to happen, Ms. Smithers’ and all Americans’ worst fears about children’s health might quickly be realized.
Darren McKinney
American Tort Reform Association
Washington, D.C.